02 April 2024FOR KING & COUNTRY


(How  A Neath Priest Disappeared)


There is no doubt that at the start of his long adult life Owen Charles Henry King wanted to serve both his heavenly King and his earthly Country.

However, this was not apparent when early in the morning of Sunday 8th October 1899, the congregation of St Joseph’s Roman Catholic Church, Neath gathered in the church, fully expecting to see Rev. Father King, their priest for the last three years, take the service. However, no priest, no service and the people were left to puzzle over his whereabouts in vain. In fact the mystery was never resolved for these parishioners. He had confided in no-one and he had no family in Neath who may have known.

Who was he? Where was he?

He was born on 5th December 1859 in Kentish Town, North London.1  His father was a merchant’s clerk and his mother the daughter of the King’s Lynn gaoler. There appears to have been a crisis in the family before Owen could be baptised, since he was only a few months old when he was sent to live with his paternal aunt’s family in Battersea, South London and his older sister was sent to live with her maternal grandparents in Norfolk. For a few years Owen’s parents were living separately. Owens’s mother took the post of sub-matron at the first Elizabeth Fry Refuge at 195 Mare Street Hackney, London, to help women just released from prison, while his father continued clerking.


Owen was brought up in Battersea along with his cousin, Charlotte by his aunt who had married a surgical instrument manufacturer and dealer. Owen is recorded as being with them in both the 1861 and 1871 census.  As a teenager he joined the Merchant Navy and served for several years, later recalling in particular his experience of the ship ‘Darling Downs’ carrying railway iron to Brisbane.2 By 1881, however, he was back with his aunt and cousin in Battersea studying theology at King’s College London, where he was awarded an associateship [i.e. a degree].3

SS Darling Downs - courtesy of State Library of South Australia


Owen became an Anglican clergyman in 1883 when he was ordained in a ceremony that took place unusually in a parish church, that of Canton, Cardiff.4 He was appointed curate of Llanfihangel Llantarnam near Cwmbrân, Monmouthshire. It may have been then that his widowed aunt and cousin Charlotte came to live with him and look after him. There must have been some very interesting discussions as Owen was coming to the conclusion that he could best serve God in the Roman Catholic Church. The Western Mail reported on 1st October 1885 that Owen had told his parishioners that he was about to leave the Anglican Church and join the Roman Catholic Church and on 8th October the paper carried a full report of the ceremony which had taken place the day before in St. Peter’s Church, Roath, Cardiff in front of a packed congregation. Owen was described as a ‘slightly-built young man with clean-shaven and rather pleasing face’.


Although his aunt died in Llantarnam in 1887, his cousin Charlotte was still living there in 1891. It is possible though that Owen had already moved about 30 miles away to Welsh Bicknor and the Courtfield estate of the Roman Catholic Vaughan family which he served for a number of years officiating at services held on their estate.


For some time after his change of allegiance Owen kept a low public profile, only appearing in newspaper reports as giving a fundraising sermon in Holyhead in December 18885 and gaining a St John’s Ambulance Association certificate in Aberdare in June 1890.6


However, from the autumn of 1890 at the age of 30, he was ready to launch himself on the social media of the day by pursuing with energy and zeal the promotion of Catholic issues through the press and by lectures and debate. He was particularly concerned to show that apostolic continuity and, therefore, legitimacy only existed in the Catholic Church.7 He now saw the Anglican Church as an (illegitimate) offshoot of the Catholic Church and wanted to persuade others of this, becoming in effect an influencer. He rebutted the idea that the Church of England retained continuity with the pre-reformation church.8 He also argued that Anglican clergymen had no right to ancient endowments of property that were given on condition that certain services were performed, since such clergy were not now performing those services and were not indeed able to perform them (because of the change in religion at the Reformation).9 There was a continuing debate that Owen took part in about the value of ritual in both the Roman Catholic and Anglican Churches.10


It was around this time that Owen sprang to the defence of his patron Cardinal Vaughan who was made Archbishop of Westminster in 1892. In 1894 the Archbishop of York questioned the validity of Vaughan’s title and claim to jurisdiction over any part of the UK, calling him ‘the Italian Cardinal’.11 Owen wrote a letter to York published in the Yorkshire Gazette on 17th November 1894 saying, "I have the honour of filling the post of chaplain to the Vaughan family and I herewith avail myself of the liberty of reminding you that your statement is not true. Cardinal Vaughan is an Englishman…”


The following year in September 1895, Owen extended his experience of chaplaincy by joining the Indian Transport Service for British forces on their way by ship to India.12 His first trip, on Her Majesty's troopship Britannia, was with 1600 troops on their way to Bombay and his previous experience at sea would have helped. His cousin Charlotte also decided to move from her house in Llantarnam to the small village of Llangwm on the toll road between Usk and Chepstow (a journey from Battersea which I mirrored about a hundred years later, hence my interest in the family).13

Peninsular &Oriental - SS Britannia (Troopship No.3)  - Wikipaedia

It was not much more than a year later though that Owen was back on dry land as a guest at a Mayoral Reception in Neath on 31st December 189614 and he re-entered the Catholic vs Protestant lists with a number of lectures and letters to the press while he was a parish priest in Neath.15


As well as defending the Roman Catholic Church in matters of belief and practice, Owen was interested in promoting education. He helped to raise money for Catholic schools16 and in July 1898 stood for election to the Neath School Board which caused a stir among ratepayers who queried whether it was appropriate for a Catholic priest, who already had a (Catholic) school to look after, to be involved in managing local authority schools.17 He replied that he was a ratepayer and could, therefore, put himself forward for election and he canvassed support for a value-for-money approach to managing schools, gaining a place on the school board in the election.18


In October 1898 it was at an Anti-Ritualism lecture in Neath that Owen defended himself against personal insinuations made by the speaker in connection with his position as priest.19

A couple of months later Owen reported receiving anonymous threats in connection with his position on the Neath School Board, if he did not support a particular candidate as headmaster.20

Were these the issues that persuaded Owen to remove himself from the public arena?

As darkness fell on Saturday 7th October 1899 he packed a bag, walked out of the house, closed the door and never came back, knowing that his congregation would have no one to take the service the next day. He had not informed his Bishop of his decision, nor the Chair of the School Board and these vacancies had to be filled as soon as possible after much local speculation and no knowledge of the whereabouts of the former parish priest.

On the 28th October 1899 a report appeared in the South Wales Daily Post stating that it had been three weeks since Rev. Father King had disappeared and there had been no service at the church in Neath on Sunday 8th October. The Bishop was investigating but had not heard anything and had to appoint a successor straight away.


The report goes on to describe Owen thus ‘Formerly he was a lieutenant in the Navy21 and he was frequently talking of his love for the service. He was very popular locally, and at the election in connection with the Neath School Board, he obtained a high position in the poll. He is a clever speaker and a gentleman of intellect of no mean order. His sudden departure has caused quite a mild sensation locally.’

The South Wales Daily News of 30th October 1899 reported that he ‘left Neath by the night mail train and told an acquaintance that he was rushing away to London in order to be at the War Office early next morning.’


What he actually did was to disappear from the record until his death in 1939. He achieved this by dropping his first name, at least for official purposes and in 1911 and 1921 he adjusted his age and place of birth.

As the new century began, Owen now had to find gainful employment and probably used army connections, formed while working in the Indian Transport Service, to obtain a job as male nurse in the Royal Military Hospital in Stoke Damerel, Plymouth,22 which would have been receiving patients from the Boer Wars at that time. He retained his Roman Catholic allegiance, but did not serve as a priest or engage in public debate, only later writing a very occasional letter to the Western Morning News.

One day around this time, Owen, now in his early forties, was visiting a Roman Catholic boys’ school in Launceston, about 25 miles from Plymouth. There he met the housemaid, Ellen Jane Sandercock, about twenty years his junior.23 She was a local girl, elder daughter of John and Susan Sandercock. John had been a seaman in the Royal Navy, but died before Ellen was 12 years old. Susan would have had a small pension and supplemented this by sewing shirts (for sailors?). Ellen would have deputised for her mother in the house and looking after her brother, Ernest and sister Edith. She would have been well able to hold her own in male company, which she needed to do as the school was headed up by two middle-aged single men teaching 11 boys ranging in age from 10-18 years old. There were four female servants: cook, nurse, housemaid (Ellen) and a general servant.


Owen was perhaps missing the company of his aunt and cousin. Here was a competent young woman who would be a companion, as well as cook and housekeeper. Ellen saw an unattached young-looking mature man (who removed seven years from his age for her benefit), who was a people-person (he had been well-liked in Neath as a parish priest) and who could support her. They were soon married, not in Launceston or Plymouth, but in Camberwell, Surrey on 13th December 1902. They returned to Plymouth and the event was reported in the Cornish & Devon Post on 20th December and there followed a very affectionate, 33 year marriage.24

A couple of years later Ellen’s sister, Edith, married Frederick John Foster, who was a skilled dock worker. Edith and Ellen were evidently close, as Edith and Frederick named their son, who was born in 1907, Frederick Ernest Owen and in 1911 the two sisters and their families were sharing the same house. Owen had returned to the sea and was a ship’s steward, known as Charles Henry King, born in Weybridge, Surrey in 1866.

The next sighting occurred in 1918, when Owen commented on ‘The Pope and the War’ in the Western Morning News under the name Chas H King.25 Pope Benedict XV had issued a Peace Note in August 1917 in a failed attempt at brokering peace. In January 1918, US President Woodrow Wilson put forward his Fourteen Points (incorporating much of the substance of the Pope’s Peace Note) which eventually led to the 11th November armistice.

In 1921 Owen and Ellen were still in Plymouth. Owen continued to use the name Charles Henry King born in Weybridge in 1866, but at 62 was working on land as a caretaker for a firm of solicitors, Watts & Anthony with offices at 4 Princess Square,26 which is where Owen and Ellen lived.27

Owen and Ellen did not have any children and in 1935 Ellen died aged 56 while she and Owen were living at 4 Princess Square.  With Ellen’s death, Owen at the age of 75 gave up his job and moved to Chudleigh near Newton Abbot, home of the Roman Catholic Clifford family at the Ugbrooke House estate with its St Cyprian’s Chapel in the Diocese of Plymouth. He wrote several letters to the Western Morning News, from Chudleigh, between 1936 and 1938 about Christian doctrine.28

His sister-in-law Edith, who had been widowed in 1933, died in 1937, also aged 56, after poisoning herself when mentally ill. Owen’s cousin Charlotte had died in 1929, so of all the close relatives of his generation, only his younger brother Reginald, in Surrey, and his brother-in-law Ernest, in Plymouth, remained to keep him company.

When Ellen died on 25th August 1935 she left the equivalent today of £51,800 in her Will, probably mostly to Owen. In the three following years, most of this had gone as Owen left behind only the equivalent of £13,300 when he died on 12th January 1939 in his 80th year. Had he given that money away? His executor was John Patrick Barrett, RC Bishop of Plymouth. RIP.


A hundred years on, can Owen’s life resonate with ours today? He lived through very stressful times of tectonic shifts in the world order: the Boer Wars, the Great War (WW1) and the Great Depression and he saw the Second World War on the horizon. The differences between Roman Catholic and Anglican beliefs and practices are no longer flashpoints in the public eye, but there are others and always will be. Perhaps what Owen brought to the table was an understanding of both sides of the argument and the ability to explain and persuade in the spirit of service to God his Judge and to his fellow human beings.


1. He was baptised on 24th October 1860 in St Mary, Battersea (with his Norfolk grandmother’s maiden name as his first name) where his birth on 5th December 1859 is also recorded. His birth was registered in Pancras RD and the 1861 census gives his birthplace as Kentish Town, which is in Pancras RD.

2. Western Morning News - 25th May 1938. The Darling Downs was a sail and steam passenger/cargo ship built 1852 and wrecked by collision in 1887, owned by Taylor, Sons & Co, London 1868 - 1887.

3. Weekly Mail - 29th December 1883

4. ibid

5. North Wales Express - 12th October 1888

6. Aberdare Times - 28th June 1890

7. South Wales Daily News - 3rd March 1892

8. Barry Dock News - 25th September 1891

9. Western Mail - 27th September 1892

10. South Wales Daily Post - 29th July 1899

11. South Wales Daily News - 6th December 1894

12. Evening Express – 27th September 1895

13. 1901 Census for Llangwm Uchaf, Monmouthshire

14. South Wales Daily Post – 1st January 1897

15. South Wales Daily Post - 22nd January 1897

16. South Wales Daily News – 2nd December 1898

17. South Wales Daily Post – 26th July 1898

18. South Wales Daily News – 29th July 1898

19. South Wales Daily News - 5th Oct 1898

20. Evening Express – 7th December 1898

21. No official records yet found. The rank of lieutenant belongs to the Royal Navy, not the Merchant Navy. It is possible that Owen was paid equivalent to a lieutenant as chaplain in the Indian Transport Service.

22. 1901 Census for Devonport, Devon

23. 1901 Census for St Stephen by Launceston, Cornwall

24. In ‘A Short History of St Joseph’s Parish’ by Sandra Davies she mentions a letter from Claire Foster, the wife of Ellen King’s nephew, contesting Owen’s Will in which Ellen is described as lavishing affection on her husband.

25. Western Morning News – 27th April 1918

26. Kelly’s Directory, Devon 1919 lists Watts & Anthony, Solicitors at 4 Princess Square, Plymouth

27. Plymouth Electoral Roll, 1927

28.Western Morning News - Between 17th April 1936 and 8th December 1938

04 March 2024Where There's Hope!


Hope Bible Christian Chapel, Melincrythan

(aka ‘Neath Boys’ and Girls’ Club’)


This article is a precis of a more substantial article which may be published by the Society at a later date, but which is available for reading/research at the NAS archive.


‘Neath Boys’ and Girls’ Club’ Melincrythan is located on Briton Ferry Road near the junction with Payne Street and seems oddly set back from the main road. While the club origins go back to at least 1934 the site itself has significant history stretching back to 1859 at which point the land was purchased by local members of the Bible Christian denomination to build not only a chapel which they named ‘Hope’ but also a schoolroom, houses and cottages. This article focuses primarily on the activities of the Bible Christians at the site of their original chapel which ceased services in 1913 with a summary of later utilisation up to the sale of the buildings in 1919 followed by details of subsequent ownership. [Where costs are shown * gives current value]

Bible Christians in Neath & Building ‘Hope’ Bible Christian Chapel 1859

The Bible Christian movement origins lay at Shebbear, Devon circa 1815 becoming progressively more established in South Wales due largely to the mass migration of workers from the West Country to the coalfield areas. In 1841 16-year-old Samuel Hunkin was described as living at ‘Dipper Mill’ in Shebbear, Devon and by 1851 he had a wife, Thirza and they had moved to Neath renting a terraced house at Mile End Row, Melincrythan. A ‘Preacher’s Plan’ of 1850 reveals Bible Christian meetings were already being held at their home. Hunkin would prove to be an industrious man, subsequent censuses indicating occupations of mason (1851, 1861), butcher (1871), farmer (1881), butcher (1891). Meetings and services continued to be held at Mile End Row into 1859 by which time members had succeeded in raising £100 (*£9,733) such that on January 6, 1859 freehold land was purchased which sat between the now Briton Ferry Road and Crythan Road being described in the 1846 tithe map as ‘Slag banks and waste ground’. The intention was to build a chapel, schoolroom and five cottages.

Soon after obtaining the land deeds it was reported (The Swansea and Glamorgan Herald 9/3/1859) that on Tuesday March 1, 1859 the foundation stone of the new ‘Bible Christian Chapel and School-room at Melincrythan, Neath, was laid by Mr. James Kenway, the mayor, at three o’clock in the afternoon. The chapel will be situated in the midst of a large and increasing population and there is no other Dissenting place of worship in the immediate locality.’ It was stated that the original contractor for the build, Mr. Matthews did not complete the work and departed for America so it fell upon local chapel members to continue with the work. As soon as legally permitted they duly completed the chapel, schoolroom and five cottages, two of which were built facing the main road. These latter two cottages (houses) either-side of the chapel fronted the main road becoming part of the row of houses known at that time as Brecon Terrace. An undated clear plan of the area, fig.1a probably circa 1870-1876 shows the triangular shape enclosed by the now Briton Ferry (main) Road across the top section with Crythan Road branching-off towards the bottom, the two joined by Payne Street.

The rear three cottages covered the full-width of the property; no chapel is shown in fig.1a due to this plan being taken at the time of later rebuilding during 1870/1. The chapel itself, fig.1b was a basic rectangular shape with steps leading to the front although the quality of the plan does not allow a view across the whole front though subsequent comments imply these steps were relatively steep.

The chapel was officially opened during April 1860 and named ‘Hope’, the three rear premises were known as ‘Hope Cottages’ with the opening of a Sunday School at the chapel soon after. While some later comments make it unclear if the schoolroom was attached to the chapel or an off-site premises the former is more consistent with the original intention possibly a lean-to at the rear of the chapel. Although a documented photograph, fig.2 purports to show this first chapel the surrounding buildings/features and the build itself do not corroborate the claim although it may well be one of the many local chapels being built during the same period.

Figure 2 Photograph ascribed (incorrectly?) as ‘Hope Chapel, Melyncryddan, 1859’

The two Bible Christian houses and adjoining premises would basically remain from that time in the same form as they appear today. The 1861 census detailed all three ‘Hope Cottages, 1-3’ as occupied. The two front houses were occupied by Hannah Rodd (Head), 58 yrs, ‘Bible Christian Ministers Wife’ at No.6 Brecon Terrace (larger house), the property schedule then listing ‘Hope Chapel – Bible Christians Chapel’, the other front (smaller) house being occupied by the Jones family.

By 1867 plans were being considered to ‘...remove the inconvenient steps leading to the entrance and substitute a gradual ascent from the road and to obviate the difficulty of the doors opening into the chapel by erecting a lobby outside.’ Finances were not considered suitable at that time and the plans were shelved although revived a few years later.

1871 Chapel Rebuild

By 1869 congregation sizes were such that they would typically fill the chapel on special occasions but the number could not be accommodated comfortably due to the ‘smallness’ of the premises, enlargement now a priority. The next steps were proved significant: ‘Accordingly a trustee and elders’ meeting was held on June 2nd, 1870, and after several suggestions were made relative to the best method of procedure, it was decided that the building was so awkwardly situated behind two houses, the space between them being too narrow to admit of its being brought forward to the street without destroying the houses, thereby cutting off the income, the Rev. T. Thomas, architect, of Landore, should be asked to inspect the building. He suggested that a small piece of land should be purchased on the south side of the chapel and a transept built, the school-room destroyed, the entrance to be even with the street, with end and transept galleries.’

Consent was subsequently given by both the local Bible Christian Chapel Committee and their leaders at the annual Conference. A grant of £100 (*£9,221) was provided with additional funds of £50 (*£4,610) promised by the congregation. A total of £200 (*£18,442) was soon raised locally, specifications and plans drawn-up and the work put to tender. A plan, fig.3 shows some detail circa 1920 although apart from the schoolroom at the rear (built 1886, see later) the main body of the chapel would not have changed significantly in the meantime.

In July 1870 the trustees approved Rev. Thomas’ plan with the contract subsequently granted to Mr. John Thomas, Neath for £572-10-0 (*£52,835). The 1877 OS plan, fig.4 shows the location of Hope Chapel and some details of the interior e.g. ‘Bible Christian, Seating for 500’.

To ensure transept symmetry the recommended small portion of land had been obtained. The 1871 census again lists the three ’Chapel Cottages’ as occupied, the ‘Hope Chapel, Bible Christian’ was now No.17 Briton Ferry Road with No.16 (previously No.6 Brecon Terrace) occupied by Mary Allin (Head) plus six children (Robert, Mary, William, Richard (later of ‘Allin’s Stores’), Annie and Thomas); although the eldest child Elizabeth Caroline was not present she would feature on later censuses – all originally from the Devon area. Others present at the same household included two Solicitor General Clerks plus a lodger i.e. Bible Christian Minister William Oates, again, all originally from Devon – a whole house still linked to the origin locality of the ministry!

In July 1871 the forthcoming still re-opening of the chapel was announced (The Brecon County Times, 8/7/1871) reporting that the ’edifice has been entirely re-modelled and is now one of the neatest ornamental buildings in the locality.’ and was planned with great fanfare for Thursday July 13, 1871.

A comprehensive description of the chapel stated : ‘The chapel is almost new; only portions of the side-walls of the old building remain, one of which had to be slated to keep it dry; the transept is well built, the front is of limestone, with freestone dressings, a fine prominent window in the centre, with two smaller ones. The roof is new, and well laid with best Carmarthen slate, the ceiling relieved with light stained woodwork, and supplied with means for ample ventilation; the galleries are stained with light varnish, the front is light, with hollow iron panels pained white slightly relieved, and furnished with an excellent clock. The entrance is all that can be desired, a well lighted lobby paved with ornamental tiles, with doors leading to the chapel and galleries. In the area the floor is new, the walls have been battened round, the old seats properly divided, and supplied with book-boards and hat-rails, the whole capped with mahogany, and grained to correspond. A platform pulpit supplied with chairs, handsome cushion, Bible and hymn book. A number of windows admit a plentiful supply of light in every part of the building, and at evening services it is brilliantly lighted with one centre and two transept star burners, with pendents for week-night services; a fine-toned harmonium, with an elegant sacramental service, complete the furniture. The whole presents a chaste and beautiful appearance, capable of accommodating four hundred and fifty persons. The work is well done.’ The front of the property circa 1929 is shown in fig.5a with an associated sketch circa 1920 more clearly showing some of the inscribed detail, fig.5b.

Note that the date inscribed ‘1859’ above the entrance reflects the date of the original chapel on the site, not the rebuild of 1871, fig.6 circa 1929 showing the side elevation facing Payne Street. The transept is seen to have an apex and four windows fig.6a with a large window between the transept and front of chapel clearly visible, fig.6b. Immediately behind the chapel is the later-built schoolroom (see later).

The original (front) side-walls still remain as seen in fig.7 with the faint outline of the side window between the outhouse and transept also shown for comparison with fig.6b albeit on the opposite side of the building.

Following both the initial chapel registration on July 24, 1871 permitting worship and the obligatory one-year use, the certificate of worship and solemnising of marriages was provided on June 22, 1872; final official registration at Somerset House, London was on June 26, 1872. While contributions to the chapel and school were obviously welcomed not all were accepted. In 1876 it was reported (The Lyttelton Times, 8/8/1876) that the Neath Licensed Victuallers Association had their donation of 10/0d (*£45) returned with the reply from the minister J. Luke ‘I cannot...accept money voted by an Association representing a trade so antagonistic to the object of which Sunday schools are established.’ For what was to be the final time, the 1881 census again listed the three rented ’Chapel Cottages’ as occupied. The census of 1881 documented Richard Routledge and wife Matilda at the now renumbered 83 Briton Ferry Road (smaller house) and Mary Allin plus Elizabeth, Mary, William and Anne at no.84 (larger house).

1886 Building of Schoolroom

The year 1886 saw the final significant change to the chapel buildings up to which point it had lacked a schoolroom for the children (The Bridgend Chronicle, 5/3/1886, 30/4/1886). Following plans and specifications being drawn-up by the architect Mr. Daniel Davies of Windsor Road and approved by Neath Urban Council early March saw a tender agreed with the builder Mr. D. Morgan of Alexander Road. The plan was to remove the three cottages at the rear of the chapel and build a brand new facility across the full-width originally occupied by the cottages. The total footprint would include a ‘...vestry, boiler-house and other out-houses. Two class-rooms will be formed at one end by the erection of movable partitions, to be taken down for larger meetings etc.’ On April 26, 1886 memorial stones were laid. The new schoolroom is shown in fig.8 being largely separated from the chapel apart from a narrow access area and covering the entire width of the site – it was substantial!

In 1891 the two chapel houses were occupied i.e. David Mort with wife Mary at No. 83 Briton Ferry Road (smaller house) and the sisters Elizabeth and Annie Allin remaining as the only occupants of the larger house at No.84. The 1901 census listed David and Mary Mort now at No.83 with Elizabeth, Annie and Elsie Allin (niece) at No.84. In 1903 the tenant details consisted of those who would remain at the two houses whilst the chapel was in use by the Bible Christians with William Allin and wife Elizabeth replacing the Mort family at No.83 - brother and sister now occupying the houses either-side of the chapel front.

While the rebuilding of 1871 alleviated the issue of the increasing congregation at that time the numbers thereafter continued to improve.  Further enhancements to meet these ongoing needs were frequently discussed. Options included bringing the front closer to the main road since the chapel was considered ‘well-nigh hidden from view’ due to its location behind the two houses either-side of the entrance. However, it appears the major problem was with the issue of ‘ancient lights’ i.e. the right of a building or house owner to the light received from and through their windows whereby no obstruction was permitted to be constructed if the windows had been used for at least 20 years. As such the only realistic option for enlargement was to purchase and remove the buildings on the corner of Briton Ferry Road/Payne Street to the south-west i.e. the two premises adjacent to one of the original chapel houses at the front, fig.8. This was not pursued due to the likely cost being considered prohibitive.

During September 1907 the union of three Methodist Churches was consummated – the M.N.C. (Methodist New Connexion), the U.M.F.C. (United Methodist Free Church), and the B.C.M. (Bible Christian Movement) – these now constituting the ‘United Methodist Church’ with the building of a new single place of worship commencing in 1913 at a cost of £5,800 (*£528,631); the foundation stone ceremony was held on November 20 that year with the church, latterly known as ‘Windsor Square’ opening for worship on September 3, 1914. An agreement had already been reached in April 1911 to sell the chapel, schoolroom and both houses with a committee established to action this resolution. During this period the house occupants registered in the 1911 census were William Allin and wife at No.83 with Elizabeth, Annie and Elsie Allin at No.84.

Although this period ended services at Hope the building was to later find further uses - while these deserve their own substantial article a summary is provided below.

Chapel Post-closure

The schoolroom was let to ‘Melincrythan Boy Scouts’ in April 1916. However, about 15 months later in early 1918 there was a report of considerable damage caused by the scouts to both schoolroom and chapel, resulting in the agreement being terminated. The ‘Cecil Street Mission’ rented the schoolroom from May 1918 and from June the ‘Salvation Army’ rented the chapel, these arrangements remaining up to the sale of the buildings in June 1919. The premises remained unsold until in 1919 Richard Allin offered £1,750 (*£71,375) explaining that members of his family had occupied the premises for over 50 years and they were anxious regarding tenancy. Further, he promised that if he should subsequently make a profit on any sale then that would be donated to the new Windsor Square church trust. Allin’s offer was accepted. Shortly after it appears the smaller of the two houses No.83 was sold along with the chapel and schoolroom on September 29, 1919 for the sum of £1,500 (*£59,998) to the ‘Gnoll Picture & Variety Co. Ltd’. Richard Allin retained the larger house No.84 which was still occupied by two of his sisters and their niece. It is unclear why the other smaller house as then rented by his brother William was sold at that time.

On November 10, 1919 Neath Urban Council approved the new owners’ plan to convert the former chapel to a ‘Picture House’ and the schoolroom to a ‘Billiard Hall’ subject to adequate ventilation of both premises and approval of the Police. For reasons unknown these plans were not implemented. Subsequently, on March 31, 1920 ownership was transferred to ‘The Eagle Tinplate Co. Ltd’ for £2,500 (*£86,558) on condition they would not use the premises as a ‘Public Picture House or Theatre for the purpose of pecuniary gain.’ It is claimed that around this time Alderman F.W. Gibbins had proposed that the premises could be used as a Youth Club under the supervision of the Borough Police.  In 1921 William was recorded as a widower while still at No.83 and in No.84 remained Elizabeth with Annie and also Elsie who was now described as a bookkeeper employed by her uncle ‘Richard Allin, Provision Merchant, Wind Street.’

Ownership of the site was once more transferred, this time from ‘The Eagle Tinplate Co. Ltd. & its Liquidator’ to ‘Baldwins Ltd’ on July 15, 1929. Richard Allin, now of 11 Gnoll Road, was still the owner of the remaining larger house with an agreement later documented on February 2, 1934 for alterations to the old chapel premises impinging on part of Allin’s property. Elizabeth Allin died in 1930 while residing at No.84 Briton Ferry Road; William was still at No.83 in October 1931, Annie and Elsie remaining at No.84. In October 1932 William was now recorded as living at No.84 with his sister Annie although Elsie was by now not at these premises; William died in 1933. The ownership of the larger house post-1934 remains unclear, Richard Allin himself having died on April 24 1937 (The Guardian, 30/4/1937). Annie was still a resident of No.84 in 1939 being described as ‘incapacitated’ but there is no record of her living at these premises in 1945 although date of death has not been found.

It is claimed that with considerable local support, eventually the property was rented for a nominal fee by the newly-formed ‘Neath Boys’ Club’ which opened in 1931 and become affiliated to the ‘South Wales Federation of Boys Clubs’ by 1934 following extensive modifications to the interior. The objects of the club were described in its Constitution as ‘...to promote the mental physical and social welfare and education in its most widest and liberal interpretation of Boys normally resident in the Borough of Neath’. ‘Baldwins Ltd. and others’ then transferred ownership to ‘Eaglesbush Tinplate Works Ltd.’ on April 4, 1935 and the rental continued. It was reported (Western Mail & South Wales News, 4/5/1934) that a ‘New Boys’ Club’ would be opened by Lord Plymouth on May 5, 1934 at the ‘Old Bible Christian Chapel’ on Briton Ferry Road, fig.9 showing the outline of the club in 1935 and later circa 1986 probably as it would have originally appeared with the rebuilt chapel frontage of 1871 still prominent.  

On February 25, 1949 Eaglesbush Tinplate Works provided by deed of gift the premises to Neath Boys Club trustees. July 13, 1990 saw the playing-field land known as the ‘Galv’ on which local football teams including the Boys’ Club had enjoyed playing since the end of the Second World War sold to the trustees for £1000 (*£2,216) along with a nearby small piece of associated land. In December that year a grant of £150,000 (*£332,344) was awarded by the Welsh Office to build a new headquarters on the old chapel site. Apart from the side walls the old building was demolished in 1991, fig.10a. The ‘new’ building was reopened on February 3, 1992, shown as viewed in 2022, fig.10b. Although girls had been allowed on the premises since 1989 they were admitted as full-time members from 1992 and the name changed to ‘Neath Boys’ and Girls’ Club’. Note the change of arched sign at the entrance.

At present the club is officially closed and requires investment for remedial work in order to re-open, a number of volunteers once again undertaking hard work to raise sufficient funds – a theme which goes as far back as the original chapel.

Concluding Remarks

The somewhat strange architectural construction of both the early and present Neath Boys’ and Girls’ Club has existed for over 160 years originating with Hope chapel thereafter to potential cinema to current (re) use as the club and remains as testament to an early part of the history of Melincrythan. Two side sections of the existing building originate from 1859 and while the remaining structure has seen many changes the outline is basically that of the rebuilt chapel of 1871.

With such a rich local history let us ‘Hope’ the current use is once more extended to continue providing the community of Melincrythan both with support and as a place of sanctuary for whatever reason as intended by the original owners and builders, the Bible Christians.

Main Sources of Reference

“The Bible Christian Magazine – a continuation of the Arminian magazine”; Bible Christians, 1852-1885; Bodleian Library, Oxford

 “Chronicles – A United Methodist Souvenir - Neath & Skewen 1929”; J. Brooks Taylor, Neath Antiquarian Society Library

 “The Bible Christian Movement”; Alan Hayward, Neath Antiquarian Society Transactions, 2000-2001

“Pennies for Heaven – A century of Windsor Square Methodist Church”; John Southard, Publ. Bryngold Books, 2014

“The Bible Christians in Neath Port Talbot – An Historical Overview”; Ann Swindale, 2015

“Melin Memories”; Rita Williams, Publ. Bryngold Books, 2010

Neath Antiquarian Society Records, Neath

West Glamorgan Archive Service Records, Swansea

Newspaper Articles as shown

National Library of Wales

‘Neath Boys’ Club’ Records

‘Britain From Above’; Aerial photography

Google Maps

National Library of Scotland

Census Records 1841-1921

Electoral Roll Records 1931-1945


‘Unworthy of our traditions as a people’

Neath’s Lusitania Riot of May 1915


On the evening of Saturday 15th May 1915, a violent crowd, angered by Germany’s sinking of the passenger liner Lusitania attacked two, long established, jewellers’ shops in Green Street, Neath.1 Neither of the shops’ owners, nor their families were related but they shared the surname of Kaltenbach and with Britain at war with Germany, the misfortune of being German.

Samuel Kaltenbach had arrived in Britain from Germany in 1859 and by 1861 was working for Xaver Ganz, a German watch and clock maker with a shop on Swansea’s High Street.2  After initially entering into partnership with Ganz, Samuel had moved to Neath by 1870 and with his brothers Weibert and Bertin, established a watchmakers and jewellers at 11 Green Street.3  By 1891 Samuel had become a naturalised British subject and the proprietor of S Kaltenbach Ltd at 17 Green Street where he lived with his British-born wife and three young sons.4  In 1895 a separate family from Germany established Kaltenbach Brothers Ltd at 24 Green Street. Consisting of Augustin Kaltenbach, his younger brothers Richard and Joseph and his sister Marie, the Kaltenbach brothers took over the bankrupt jewellery business of their fellow countryman Adolph Furtwangler5.

                                   Advertisements for S Kaltenbach and Kaltenbach Brothers

By 1911 both Kaltenbach families had experienced significant changes to their personal and commercial circumstances. Samuel Kaltenbach’s brothers had especially contrasting fortunes. In 1878 Weibert, who had established a watch and clockmaker’s shop in Windsor Road, Neath, went into liquidation and the 1911 census records that he was lodging with a family in Gowerton.6 Bertin Kaltenbach was more successful and by 1911 had his own jewellery shop in Maesteg.7 Samuel’s success in Neath had enabled him by 1901 to leave the business principally in the hands of his eldest son Edwin.8 Tragically, Edwin died in 1908, at the age of 30 and his father the following year; both men being buried in Llantwit New Cemetery.9 The two deaths left Edwin’s German wife, Cecelia, to bring up her five-year-old son and continue as the lease holder and ratepayer of S Kaltenbach Ltd. at 17 Green Street, Neath.10

Kaltenbach Brothers Ltd had similar mixed fortunes in the years preceding the First World War. After marrying Neath-born Mary Jane Collins in 1906, Richard Kaltenbach and his wife settled in Hazelwood Road, Neath, with their children Ethel and Wilfrid and a third child Albin Josef, born in 1913.11 Following Augustin’s admission to the Glamorgan Asylum in 1910 and Joseph establishing his own jewellers’ in Porth, then by 1914 Richard was the sole leaseholder and rate payer for Kaltenbach Brothers Ltd.12

On the outbreak of war with Germany in August 1914, all foreign nationals were required to register with the police and Chief Constables received powers to intern German and Austrian males who they ‘reasonably suspected’ of being ‘dangerous to the safety of the realm.’14 Unsurprisingly, interpretations by Chief Constables varied from a watchful tolerance of German residents to their immediate internment as enemy-aliens. With insufficient secure accommodation available, the Government was soon forced to halt internment and release those internees considered not to pose a threat or, like Richard Kaltenbach, suffering from ill-health. The Government’s disarray over internment compounded the allegations in the press and Parliament that those enemy nationals left at liberty would become spies and saboteurs for Germany.  As anti-German hysteria grew, there were spasmodic attacks on German owned properties and businesses and, in October 1914, Neath’s Special Constables were put on stand-by should the rumours of planned attacks on ‘certain Germans’ in the town prove to be accurate.15

RMS Lucitania at Liverpool - public domain image

The sinking of the Cunard passenger liner Lusitania, by a German submarine in May 1915 triggered the largest and most widespread outbreak of ‘racial rioting ... in twentieth century Britain.’16  With the loss of over a thousand passengers and crew, ferocious anti-German riots broke out in the ship’s home port of Liverpool and within days spread across Northern England, to London and parts of the Midlands, East Anglia, the South East and Scotland. Welsh newspapers, like those across Britain, condemned the sinking of the ship as ‘a crime against humanity’ and in Neath the Reverend Mardy Rees denounced the whole German nation as ‘worse than the heathen.’17 Unlike Liverpool, where Germans were advised for their own safety to seek voluntary internment or leave the city, the reaction in Wales was outwardly calm but on the evening of Saturday, 15th May, Neath became the focal-point for the most significant outbreak of anti-German violence in Wales during the First World War.

The first signs of disorder arose outside Richard Kaltenbach’s shop where a crowd, shouting abuse and threats, prompted the shutters to be put up and the shop closed. A crowd of ‘some thousands’ then gathered outside Cecelia Kaltenbach’s shop which, at the request of the police, was also closed. With the shop’s shutters in place, the crowd turned their attention to the windows above the shop and they were smashed in a hail of stones and bottles. Appeals by Neath’s Chief Constable, William Higgins and Captain Morgan of the National Reserve, failed to disperse the crowd and during scuffles with the police one of the shop’s shutters was torn down and thrown through the shop window.18 In the resulting melee, the police were overwhelmed and with the remaining windows smashed, the shop was looted of ‘watches, clocks, rings and other jewellery.’19 It was not until reinforcements arrived from Skewen and Briton Ferry, under Superintendent Ben Evans of the Glamorgan Constabulary, that a police baton charge secured Cecilia Kaltenbach’s shop.













Returning to Richard Kaltenbach’s shop, the crowd tore down the shutters and smashed the windows and only a further baton charge prevented the shop being looted. Even an appeal by the Mayor, Councillor Matthew Arnold, who was injured by a stone thrown from the crowd, failed to avert a street battle in which missiles, aimed at the police, smashed the windows of other shops in Green Street. It was only after additional police reinforcements had arrived from Port Talbot and Aberavon and further baton charges made, that the streets were cleared and the damaged shops boarded-up in the early hours of Sunday morning.20

In addition to the damage to property in Green Street the Western Mail estimated that between forty and fifty civilians were injured as a result of the police baton charges, yet there were no arrests.21 Ten police officers also suffered injuries, the most critical being to Briton Ferry’s Constable Young, who nearly lost his left eye and Sergeant Quartley of Neath Abbey, who sustained a serious chest injury.22 With both Kaltenbach shops wrecked, Cecelia Kaltenbach was given refuge by Father Blackborough, at the Presbytery on London Road, while her shop assistant, Oskar Birkle, left Neath on Sunday morning, as did Richard Kaltenbach.23

Reports of the riot sparked other local anti-German demonstrations. On Monday 17th May, a crowd of 3,000 gathered outside the shop of George Koos on Aberavon’s High Street. Despite being born in Merthyr and trading as a jeweller in Aberavon for over thirty years, Koos’s name was sufficient to convince the crowd he was German.24 After the damage inflicted in Neath, the fire brigade was called-out to turn its hoses on the crowd should a more serious disturbance develop but, beyond some broken shutters, there was little trouble. The crowd was dispersed by the police after they arrested three men for ‘inciting the crowd to riot’, the charges later being reduced to stone throwing and the men fined.25

Two shops in Skewen, owned by the jeweller William Kleiser and the clothier Joseph Kreischer, were also subject to noisy demonstrations following allegations that both men were German. Fortunately, trouble was avoided by the presence of the police who, the newspapers reported, ‘exercised splendid tact.’26 Like George Koos in Aberavon, both men had been singled out because of their surnames. In the days that followed, the Cambria Daily Leader apologised to the Herefordshire-born Kleiser for alleging he was German and published Kreischer’s letter attesting to his status as a British subject.27 Rather than apologise, the South Wales Weekly Post insisted that it was ‘the peculiar name of Klasier (sic)’ that had ‘misled people into thinking that a thorough Englishman is an alien.’28


A large crowd also congregated outside the pawnbrokers owned by Gustav Wehrle in Melincryddan. A serious disturbance was averted by the ‘geniality’ of Police Sergeant Michael who persuaded the crowd to disperse; the disorder consisting of patriotic singing and shouting ‘confined to the juvenile element’.29  Gustav Wehrle, a German national, had married Richard Kaltenbach’s sister, Marie, in 1895 and it was probably Marie who was the target of the crowd’s animosity. In 1918 when the Government reviewed exemptions from internment and deportation, Marie was reported as having been ‘indiscrete in her remarks which led to bitter feeling and rioting.’30 An order for the Wehrle’s to leave Neath was later  withdrawn owing to ‘the nature of [their] business’ and ‘on the condition’ they kept the shutters up and only the side door open to redeem pledges.31

The reaction of the local newspapers to the riot in Neath illustrated the political divisions regarding the treatment of Germans who were resident in Britain during the war. Within days of the Lusitania’s sinking, the Liberal Government had introduced measures to intern German males between 17 and 55 years of age and to repatriate German women and children. Predictably, the Liberal supporting Herald of Wales assured its readers that ‘the War Office authorities and the Home Office are satisfied that everything necessary has been done’ and condemned the riot in Neath as something to ‘blacken the pages of history of the ancient borough.’32 In contrast, the Conservative supporting South Wales Daily Post believed the Government’s measures should have been introduced in August 1914 and advocated the internment of all males who were enemy-aliens. Treading a fine line, the newspaper condemned the looting at Neath as ‘unworthy of our traditions as a people’, but believed the anti-German demonstrations were ‘clearly entitled to an indulgent judgement’ as ‘public patience’ had given way after the ‘shock of the Lusitania horror.’33


Note: for an image of what Kaltenbach's shop looked like before the damage perform a Google image search or go to https://www.gettyimages.co.uk/detail/news-photo/samuel-kaltenbach-and-family-jewellers-of-neath-in-south-news-photo/1216200447

The newspapers also foresaw that any compensation for riot damage would ultimately fall on Neath’s ratepayers. At its meeting at the end of May 1915, the Neath Borough Watch Committee received initial claims of over £400 on behalf of Cecelia and Richard Kaltenbach, and smaller claims for broken windows from the Maypole Dairy and the chemist, Mr Griffith Isaac.34 The advice of Chief Constable Higgins was that both Kaltenbach claims should be refused. Higgins claimed that in October 1914 he had intended to remove the Kaltenbach families from Neath, under the Defence of the Realm Act, but in consideration for being allowed to stay, Cecelia and Richard Kaltenbach had ‘agreed’ to indemnify the Council against all claims for damages or loss arising from disturbances or riots in the Borough.35 Despite not having been informed of Higgin’s action in 1914 and without sight of the ‘agreement’, the Committee accepted his advice and the Town Clerk was instructed to ‘emphatically repudiate liability’ regarding both claims.36

In the face of the Council’s continuing denial of liability, Cecelia Kaltenbach issued a writ in November 1915 for the payment of riot damage and, after requesting a copy of the Chief Constable’s ‘agreement’, Richard Kaltenbach’s solicitors issued a writ in February 1916. The dispute was eventually resolved in July 1916 when the Watch Committee reported that both High Court actions had been settled. Although the Committee’s minutes are silent on how this was achieved, Cecilia Kaltenbach, who originally claimed £168, received £160 and Richard Kaltenbach £225, which exceeded his original claim, but both payments also included the Kaltenbachs’ legal costs.37

Neither of the shops at 17 and 24 Green Street were reopened by the Kaltenbach families. From November 1915 to April 1916 weekly advertisements by the shop’s new proprietor, EG Lynn Thomas, appeared in the Herald of Wales announcing the stock clearance at ‘17 Green Street (Late Kaltenbach).’  By December 1916, Thomas had also acquired the Kaltenbach Brothers’ shop and, in a crudely xenophobic advertisement, announced the shop’s British ownership.38







Herald of Wales - 6th Nov 1915 & 2nd Dec 1917

The decision of Cecelia and Richard Kaltenbach to abandon or sell their leases and stock was a timely one. In 1916, the Government gave the Board of Trade powers to wind-up companies benefitting or controlled by ‘enemy subjects’ and to retain the assets from their sale.39 The legislation included small retail businesses and in the final years of the war both Bertin Kaltenbach’s jewellers in Maesteg and Joseph Kaltenbach’s business in Porth were wound up and sold.40

Advertisement for the Auction of Bertin Kaltenbach – Maesteg
Glamorgan Gazette - 16th March 1917

Preceded by press allegations of German atrocities in Belgium, the ill-treatment of British prisoners of war and Germany’s use of poison gas a Ypres, the sinking of the Lusitania became the tipping point that resulted in widespread violence towards German civilians and the destruction of their property. Yet the riot in Neath, which dramatically changed the lives of the two Kaltenbach families, is unique in a Welsh context. The noisy gatherings in Aberafon, Skewen and Briton Ferry largely passed without incident and in Swansea three short-lived demonstrations resulted in some broken glass but left the shop of a prominent German jeweller on the High Street untouched.41 The war undoubtedly changed attitudes towards resident German civilians, but there are no clear reasons why Neath was such an exception. The German population of Neath was a fraction of that in towns like Swansea and there is no evidence of previous enmity concerning the Kaltenbachs, nor were the local newspapers, while wholly patriotic in their content, guilty of whipping-up hostility towards resident German civilians. 

Nothing is known of the motivation of the rioters, but personalities and local circumstances were factors in Neath. The Cambria Daily Leader noted the local ‘resentment’ that the Kaltenbach’s shops had remained open and not shown respect for the loss of life on the Lusitania.42 Significantly, one aspect of the crowd’s anger in attacking Cecelia Kaltenbach’s shop was hostility towards her assistant, Oskar Birkle. Having not been interned, Birkle was alleged to be German and to hold ‘pronounced German opinions’, which he had ‘not failed to voice.’43  Having grown in conviction and confidence after the attack on Cecelia Kaltenbach’s shop and aided by the proximity of the two shops on Green Street, the crowd were further enraged by the injuries inflicted by the police baton charges. Ultimately, depleted by its officers joining the military and too small to subdue a hostile and abusive crowd, Neath’s police force unintentionally enabled a noisy demonstration to become riotous. 

In June 1915 Cecelia Kaltenbach was fined for failing to comply with an order to leave the Neath area.44 Aside from the Council’s minutes on riot compensation, it was the last public reference to Cecelia Kaltenbach. In 1918 Lloyd George’s Government made the compulsory repatriation of Germans in Britain a key election policy and it is highly probable that, as a German citizen with no blood relatives in Britain, Cecelia Kaltenbach and her son were repatriated to Germany along with thousands of other German civilians. Fortunately for Richard Kaltenbach, his length of pre-war residence in Britain, having a British-born wife, and British-born children under 16, were sufficient grounds to be allowed to remain. By the time of the 1921 census, he was living at 89 Gnoll Park Road, Neath with his wife and their youngest son Albin Josef, while their daughter Ethel and son Wilfrid attended Catholic boarding schools near London.45

In the period following the end of the First World War, suspicion and resentment towards Germans in Britain slowly abated and there is no evidence of continuing animosity towards Richard Kaltenbach because of his nationality.  In 1931, Ethel Kaltenbach qualified as a nurse and returned to Neath to work, Albin Josef became a Roman Catholic priest and, from the 1950s, Wilfrid Kaltenbach and the Neath artist William Roberts ran the jewellers and watchmakers Kaltenbach and Roberts until the business closed in 1975.46 Despite a brief period of internment during the Second World War, on Richard Kaltenbach’s death in 1945, the South Wales Evening Post published a short obituary which recognised his fifty years of business as a jeweller in Neath.47

Neath Guardian - 13th December 1963

1. Cambria Daily Leader - 17th March 1915.

2. Alien Arrivals in England, Ancestry.co.uk; 1961 Census, Swansea Clocks, Watch & Clockmakers of Swansea and District - Joanna Greenlaw (1997)

3. The Cambrian – 1st July 1870; 1871 Census, Ancestry.co.uk.

4. UK, Naturalisation Certificates and Declarations, 1870-1916, Ancestry.co.uk; 1891 Census, Ancestry.co.uk.

5. ‘Failure of Neath Jeweller’, Western Mail – 13th January 1894.

6. London Gazette – 17th September 1878; 1911 Census, Ancestry.co.uk.

7. 1911 Census, Ancestry.co.uk.

8. 1901 Census, 1911 Census, Ancestry.co.uk.

9. The Cambrian- 3rd July 1908; Evening Express- 18th June 1909.

10. T84, Neath Rate Books 1913 - (West Glamorgan Archive Service).

11. Birth, Marriage, and Death, Ancestry.co.uk; 1911 Census, Ancestry.co.uk.

12. T84, Neath Rate Books 1913 - (West Glamorgan Archive Service); Glamorgan County Asylum Records, 1845-1920, Ancestry.co.uk; 1911 Census, Ancestry.co.uk.

13. Panikos Panayi, The Enemy in our Midst (New York: Berg, 1991), pp. 46-50.

14. Cambria Daily Leader – 17th May 1915.

15. Cardiff, Glamorgan Archives, D/D CON 142, Chief Constable’s Report, Neath, 30th November 1914.

16. Adrian Gregory, The Last Great War (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2008), p.235.

17. Cambria Daily News – 11th May 1915.

18. The National Reserve was a register of trained officers and men who had no further obligation for military service. Its purpose was to enable an increase in military resources in the event of imminent national danger.

19. South Wales Weekly Post -  22nd May 1915.

20. Cambria Daily Leader – 17th May 1915.

21. Western Mail – 17th May 1915.

22. GC/SJ 1/2, Glamorgan County Council, Chief Constable’s Report, June 1915 (Glamorgan Archives).

23. Cambria Daily Leader – 17th May 1915.

24. Cambria Daily Leader - 18th May 1915.

25. Herald of Wales -  22nd May 1915.

26. Cambria Daily Leader - 18th May 1915.

27. Cambria Daily Leader - 19th May 1915.

28. South Wales Weekly Post - 22nd May 1915.

29. Cambria Daily Leader - 18th May 1915.

30. Enemy Aliens and Internees, Findmypast.co.uk.

31. Enemy Aliens and Internees, Findmypast.co.uk.

32. Herald of Wales - 22nd May 1915.

33. South Wales Weekly Post - 22nd May 1915.

34. B/N 62 - Neath B.C. - Watch Committee Minutes, 31st May 1915 (West Glamorgan Archive Service).

35. B/N 62 - Chief Constable’s Report, 31st May 1915 (West Glamorgan Archive Service).

36. B/N 20 - Neath B.C. - Watch Committee Minutes, 1st  July 1915(West Glamorgan Archive Service).

37. B/N 20 - Neath Borough Council-  Minutes, 6th July 1916 (West Glamorgan Archive Service).

38. Herald of Wales - 2nd December 1916.

39. Trading with the Enemy (Amendment) No.2 Bill paper 179, 1916, p.3.

40. Glamorgan Gazette - 16th March 1917; Western Mail - 27th March 1918.

41. Cambria Daily Leader - 18th May 1915.

42. Cambria Daily Leader - 17th May 1915.

43. South Wales Weekly Post - 22nd May 1915.

44. Western Mail - 30th June 1915.

45. 1921 Census, Findmypast.co.uk

46. UK & Ireland Nursing Registers, Pembrokeshire Electoral Registers 1970, Neath Guardian (using Findmypast.co.uk and  Ancestry.co.uk.)

47. Enemy Aliens and Internees (Findmypast.co.uk), South Wales Evening Post - 5th December 1945.



View All Stories

sitemap | cookie policy | privacy policy | accessibility statement